Iraqi Mojo

Wednesday, August 20, 2008

Iraq strengthens ties with Lebanon

More good news. Somehow this is easier to digest than the agreement with Jordan, I must say.

Iraq to export oil to Lebanon

By Qassim Abdul-Zahra
ASSOCIATED PRESS

4:29 a.m. August 20, 2008

BAGHDAD – Iraq and Lebanon plan to sign a series of trade agreements in coming weeks, including one on Iraq exporting oil to Lebanon, the prime ministers of the two countries said Wednesday.

Lebanese Prime Minister Fuad Saniora's one-day trip to Baghdad was only the third visit by a senior Arab official since the U.S.-led invasion in 2003.

The U.S. has encouraged visits to Iraq by moderate Arab leaders to shore up support for Iraq's Shiite-dominated government and as a counterweight to influence from Iraq's fellow Shiite neighbor, Iran.

Iraq is also eager to improve ties with its Arab neighbors, as security improvements boost the government's confidence.

At a news conference alongside Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, Saniora offered support for Iraq and urged other Arab states to do the same.

“I do believe that Iraq's return to the Arabs and the Arabs' return to Iraq is a key goal and we all have to work to achieve it,” he said.

Al-Maliki said the two countries would sign several agreements, including one outlining Iraqi oil exports to Lebanon, but provided no details. “There were talks about oil, cooperation in the oil industry, oil exports and supplying Lebanon with Iraqi oil according to an agreement,” the Iraqi prime minister said.

Continued

Tuesday, August 19, 2008

US helps Iraq protect its oil infrastructure

...after our Arab "brothers" sabotage it. I wish the US or Iraqi military would also protect Iraq's electricity-generating infrastructure, if they haven't done so already.

"Insurgents have made a habit of attacking the oil infrastructure; the recent rise in output is due chiefly to improved security. In particular, the United States has paid for a project to reduce sabotage to a pipeline that links the Kirkuk oilfield, one of the country’s biggest, to the main outlets for exports—ports in the south and a pipeline north to Turkey. The Kirkuk-Baiji pipeline (see map) is now protected on either side by a ditch, a dirt barrier, a fence topped with razor wire, and three more rolls of razor wire on the ground. There are two guardhouses at every road crossing; the government has recruited local tribesmen suspected of mounting many past attacks to man them and conduct patrols. Oil has flowed freely since the construction of these defences began last summer. The American army says that, as a result, exports in the 11 months to May went up by 91m barrels, worth an extra $8.2 billion."

Iraq to sign $1.2 bln oil service deal with China

Nobody will complain about this.

Iraq to sign $1.2 bln oil service deal with China

By Ahmed Rasheed

BAGHDAD, Aug 19 (Reuters) - Iraq will sign a $1.2 billion oil service contract with China to replace a production-sharing deal agreed under Saddam Hussein, an Iraqi newspaper quoted oil minister Hussain al-Shahristani as saying on Tuesday.

The oil minister is travelling to China at the end of this month to discuss the deal, which was orginally signed in 1997 between Iraq and the China National Petrolium Company (CNPC).

"We have held talks with (the Chinese) for a year, and the terms of the deal were changed to a service contract. The Chinese have agreed on that, with a value of $1.2 billion," Shahristani told the an-Noor newspaper.

If finalised, the revised deal would be the first oil service contract signed by the new Iraqi government since the fall of Saddam in 2003.

Continued

Why Arab states must embrace Iraq

Good article.

Why Arab states must embrace Iraq

By Roula Khalaf

Published: August 19 2008 03:00 | Last updated: August 19 2008 03:00

Last week, King Abdullah of Jordan became the first Arab head of state to travel to Baghdad since the 2003 war. From there, he urged his fellow leaders to re-engage with Iraq, calling it a "source of strength for the Arab nation".

What took him there, five long years after the fall of Saddam Hussein, might have been, in part, Jordan's economic needs: being on good terms with Iraq guarantees a recently agreed deal to provide Amman with discounted Iraqi oil.

But there was more to it. The trip underlined a new diplomatic trend: in recent months several Sunni Arab states, including the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Bahrain, have announced the reopening of their embassies in Baghdad and named new ambassadors for the first time since Egypt's envoy was assassinated in 2005.

Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan, the UAE foreign minister, became the first top Gulf diplomat to visit Iraq this summer. His trip was followed by the little-noticed arrival of Saad Hariri, head of Lebanon's main Sunni party. He travelled to the Iraqi capital and Najaf, the Shia holy city, where he met Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the highest religious authority.

The road from Arab capitals to Baghdad is still slow and bumpy. But, driven by fear that a US withdrawal from Iraq will pave the way to even greater Iranian influence in a leading Arab state, it is a belated recognition of the Shia government in Baghdad and of the need to promote Shia-Sunni reconciliation more vigorously.

Jordan's monarch was the first to warn, in 2004, of the rise of a "Shia crescent", an unfortunate comment that infuriated Iraqi officials. Realising he might have fanned the flames of sectarianism, the king tried to take back his words, sending his aides to deny he uttered them, and to reinterpret their meaning.

But his words stuck for two reasons. They were an expression of the paranoia of Sunni Arab states about Iran's growing role in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon, and a symbol of Arab impotence at the shifting balance of power that the US had created by toppling the Sunni Ba'athist regime.

However, in the time since the king made his remark, Sunni Arab states have reinforced their irrelevance through a misguided diplomatic isolation of Iraq. Although the demise of Saddam Hussein had been a boon to his neighbours, Sunni-dominated Arab regimes have never come to terms with the rise of Iraq's majority Shia, or the fact that Baghdad had become a friend of Iran. They have entertained the fantasy of a return of a Sunni strongman or hoped that a secular Shia would take over, no matter that such a leader could not win an election.

As they have lamented the marginalisation of the Sunni minority, they also increased pressure on the US to ensure the Sunni's reinsertion into Iraqi politics. They ignored Iraqi officials' arguments that embracing the Shia administration was the best way to secure a voice in Iraq and check Iranian influence. Instead, the Arabs backed the Sunni. As Iraq began its slide into civil war the Arab states found themselves threatened with a regional Sunni-Shia struggle.

Fortunately, this attitude is changing. After dismissing Nouri al-Maliki, the Iraqi prime minister, as a puppet of Iran, some Arab officials now praise him for taking on Shia militias. Hinting that the Iraqi government might be more independent than was first assumed, one senior Arab official tells me that he now sees a rare opportunity to bring Iraq's Shia government back into "the Arab fold". Winning back influence in Iraq is more urgent, he says, because Iran has expanded its influence in another Arab sectariar hotspot, Lebanon, where Tehran's ally, the Hizbollah group, has won a greater political role.

But the Arabs' return to Iraq is still hesitant. Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad, the Iranian president, went to Baghdad in March in a media blitz. In contrast, the Jordanian king's visit was announced only after he had departed, in a sign of the continued Jordanian concerns about security.

Worryingly, Saudi Arabia has been flagrantly absent from this tentative wave of engagement. The Saudi regime is apparently still holding a grudge against the Maliki government. Yet it is difficult to see how Arab states can be serious about renewing ties with Iraq without the participation of the Saudis.

To contribute to Iraqi stability - and reassure Iraqi Shia that this is indeed the intention - Arab governments' diplomacy has to be more dynamic and convincing. Cancelling all of the debt Iraq owes to its Arab neighbours, for example, is long overdue. Saudi Arabia, for one, has yet to make that move.

Most important, Arab states have to maintain realistic expectations. It would be foolish to expect Iran's influence to dissipate. The Islamic regime - which fought an eight-year war with Iraq in the 1980s - has unparalleled relations with a whole range of Iraqi groups (Kurdish as well as Shia), which it cultivated during decades of Ba'athist oppression.

The aim of embracing Iraq's Shia-led government is to strengthen it so that it can govern the country and stand on its own feet. For that to happen, Iraq needs national reconciliation between its various communities above all. Arab states' contribution should be to encourage dialogue between Iraq and its neighbours as much as between Iraqi parties.

roula.khalaf@ft.com


Blackwater guards face prosecution in US

Good news.

From
August 19, 2008

Blackwater guards face prosecution over killing of 17 Iraqi civilians

A burnt car on the site where Blackwater guards opened fire

( Ali Yussef/AFP/Getty Images)

A burnt car on the site where Blackwater guards opened fire

Six Blackwater Worldwide security guards have been notified that they could face prosecution in America for shooting dead 17 civilians in Baghdad's Nisoor Square in an infamous incident that provoked fury in Iraq.

The Blackwater employees have reportedly been sent "target letters" by US prosecutors telling them that they could face charges for opening fire at the crowded intersection on September 16 last year.

The move was welcomed by human rights activists, who have long complained about US private security in Iraq.

"It's incredibly important that these incidents are not beyond the law. It certainly would be a step in the right direction if the US would go ahead and bring charges," said Jennifer Daskal, of Human Rights Watch, who has interviewed the traffic policeman on duty in Nisoor Square at the time of the shooting. "This is definitely the most high-profile case of contractor abuse in Iraq, but it's certainly not the only one."

Continued

Monday, August 18, 2008

Suicide bombings in Israel vs. Iraq

I am surprised that no journalists except Robert Fisk have compared the number of suicide bombings in Israel to the number of suicide bombings in Iraq. Between 2000 and 2002 there were 70 suicide bombings in Israel, the country that has been hated by most Arabs for 60 years. In Iraq, it has become difficult to keep count of the number of suicide bombings and the number of victims. In March Robert Fisk and The Independent published an article that estimated the number of suicide bombers in Iraq at the time to be an astounding 1,121:

'But a month-long investigation by The Independent, culling four Arabic-language newspapers, official Iraqi statistics, two Beirut news agencies and Western reports, shows that an incredible 1,121 Muslim suicide bombers have blown themselves up in Iraq. This is a very conservative figure and – given the propensity of the authorities (and of journalists) to report only those suicide bombings that kill dozens of people – the true estimate may be double this number. On several days, six – even nine – suicide bombers have exploded themselves in Iraq in a display of almost Wal-Mart availability. If life in Iraq is cheap, death is cheaper.

This is perhaps the most frightening and ghoulish legacy of George Bush's invasion of Iraq five years ago. Suicide bombers in Iraq have killed at least 13,000 men, women and children – our most conservative estimate gives a total figure of 13,132 – and wounded a minimum of 16,112 people. If we include the dead and wounded in the mass stampede at the Baghdad Tigris river bridge in the summer of 2005 – caused by fear of suicide bombers – the figures rise to 14,132 and 16,612 respectively. Again, it must be emphasised that these statistics are minimums. For 529 of the suicide bombings in Iraq, no figures for wounded are available.

...Never before has the Arab world witnessed a phenomenon of suicide-death on this scale. During Israel's occupation of Lebanon after 1982, one Hizbollah suicide-bombing a month was considered remarkable. During the Palestinian intifadas of the 1980s and 1990s, four per month was regarded as unprecedented. But suicide bombers in Iraq have been attacking at the average rate of two every three days since the 2003 Anglo-American invasion.


The mind boggling number of suicide bombings in Iraq, when compared to the number of suicide bombings in Israel, is symbolic of what Arab extremists think of Iraqis. To these Arabs, Iraqis are expendable, if not apostates or traitors who deserve violent death. Iraqi Shia are "worse than the Jews", according to many takfiri Arabs. The number of suicide bombings in Iraq and the celebration of such bombings proves the Arab hatred of Shia in Iraq.

Why did takfiri Arabs not mass murder Iraqi Shia before 2003? Because in general Sunni Arabs were reasonably happy with Saddam. They had nothing to complain about. Saddam was oppressing Iraq's Shia and non-Iraqi Sunni Arabs did not seem to mind. Since 2003 Iraqis have been cooperating with Americans in setting up a democracy in Iraq, as flawed as it may be, and for this they are mass murdered by our Arab "brothers". Iraqi Sunni Arabs who support democracy have been murdered as well. As more of Iraq's Sunni Arabs turn against Al Qaeda and work with Americans, Al Qaeda in Iraq has murdered more Iraqi Sunni Arabs - just yesterday a suicide bomber blew himself up among worshipers in the Abu Hamifa mosque in Adhamiya, killing the deputy commander of Adhamiya's Sahwa.

So this is what our Arab "brothers" think of Iraqis. Arabs have traveled from near occupied Palestine to fight US occupation and ended up mass murder Iraqis, apparently because it's easier than entering Israel and killing civilians there. Gulfie Arabs mass murder Iraqis for working with Americans as US companies do big business in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Qatar. Arabs complain about US military bases in Iraq as US bases and embassies are scattered throughout the Arab world, including the US CENTCOM in Doha. Yet we do not read about suicide bombings in Doha, no bombings of markets in Riyadh. Only Iraqis are murdered in these horrific ways and in such large numbers.

Tuesday, August 12, 2008

WMD: The Murderous Reign of Saddam Hussein

"If the United States had not removed Saddam Hussein from power, we would owe Hitler an apology."

Monday, August 11, 2008

The Thieves of Baghdad

I spent Saturday night with my parents and three of my father’s siblings, along with their children in a nice suburb of London. It was the biggest gathering of close relatives since last summer, when my cousin’s (mom’s side) wife declared that America brought Al Qaeda to Iraq, and warned me with great sternness that it is blasphemous to defend infidels. There are some religious people in my extended family. Some of them are religious and educated at the same time. My uncles – my father’s brothers - and my aunt’s children are religious, yet quite educated and successful. Many of them are doctors and dentists. For as long as I can remember, one of my cousins, Majeed, a pediatrician who is closer to my dad’s age than mine, possessed a great intensity and unique emotional flare, much like my father. They both have a great sense of humor. They even look alike. In my first post I wrote about Majeed’s brother, who was murdered by Saddam’s regime in 1980. Until last year I had not spent much time with Majeed, and I was surprised last summer to see him married with children – three of them, aged 16 to 19! Majeed is married to E, an engineer and niece of Jiddu, whom I wrote about in October 2007. It was good to spend more time with Majeed and his wonderful family this weekend. After a long night of eating delicious food and catching up, we had to spend the night there because it was so late.

The next morning, after E served us breakfast, she told us her story, which I will summarize here. E, like so many Iraqis, escaped Iraq long before 2003. The current conflict in Iraq may have eclipsed what happened to Iraqis during Saddam’s long reign of terror and intimidation, and certainly the media’s coverage of Iraq in the last five years has been much greater than all the media's coverage of Saddam’s atrocities. This is why I believe it is important to document these crimes, to remind people of what took place in Iraq before 2003.

Madrasat Rahibat

As a thirteen year old in the early 1970s, E attended Madrasat Rahibat (Nuns’ School), a private school for well-to-do Baghdadis. In her class E remembers a girl, a Faili (Shia) Kurd, who one day debated another girl, Ilham, the daughter of Khairallah Tulfah, the Governor of Baghdad and uncle of Saddam Hussein. The Kurdish girl argued during Religion class that the Kurds who were killed by the Baathi regime were martyrs. Ilham disagreed, and she believed that the Kurds who were killed by the state were in fact traitors, not martyrs. E recalls how casual the debate was, and how their teacher, a Najafi woman, allowed the debate to proceed. The next morning, after E boarded the school bus, she noticed that her Kurdish friend was missing. When E arrived at school, her teacher was not there. E never saw her teacher again. Her Kurdish friend and her family also disappeared.

To digress, Ilham was later married to Haythem, son of Ahmed Hassan al Bakr. When Saddam became President, he forced the couple to divorce and he forced Ilham to marry his half brother. Saddam’s older half brother, Barzan, was already married to Ilham’s sister Ahlam.

Mass Graves

E’s cousins and their children (most of them older than E, in University and the Army) lived in Kerbala. During Saddam’s campaign to expel Iraqis of Iranian ancestry, and despite the fact that E’s ancestors had lived in Iraq for 700 years, her relatives in Kerbala were targeted for deportation to Iran. One of her uncles in Kerbala had a 15 year old son, who was separated from his parents after they were arrested – the Baathi authorities were afraid the kid would join the Iranian Army. The kid’s parents were driven to the Iranian border and dropped off there, just like God knows how many Iraqis were. The family of this boy waited anxiously for 24 years hoping Saddam’s regime would fall so they could be reunited with their son, their brother. In 2003 the boy’s older brother traveled to Iraq, where he learned that his little brother had been murdered and buried in a mass grave. Upon hearing this news, his father fell ill and suffered from a stroke. He finally died last year, after being paralyzed by the stroke.

The Thief of Baghdad

Khairallah Tulfah was also known as “Harami Baghdad” (The Thief of Baghdad). Uncle of Saddam Hussein, father of Sajida (Saddam’s wife), Khairallah Tulfah was appointed Governor of Baghdad in the 1970s and by 1980 he amassed a great fortune by usurping financial and real assets of Iraqis. E’s family had the misfortune of living next to Tulfah in the 1970s. In early 1980, during Saddam’s campaign to expel Iraqis of Iranian descent, E’s entire family was arrested one day while they were eating lunch – Saddam’s secret police walked into the home and told E’s family to gather their essentials. While the family gathered their essentials, Saddam’s “emen” (security) sat down and ate the dolma that E’s mother had prepared. Before E’s family was taken away, her mother called E’s older sister, who was married and living in a different part of town, and told her what was happening. E’s sister immediately took a taxi to her parents’ house, where she saw none of her family at home, and she saw Khairallah Tulfah standing in the street. She became angry and asked Tulfah how he could allow the police to take away his innocent neighbors. He had no response, but after a few hours he called the detention center and told them to release E’s family. This good natured act was not free.

When this happened to E’s family, her father was naturally furious and saddened by what had become of his country. He decided that he would send his children out of the country one by one, but he died just a few weeks later. Soon after E’s father died, Khairallah Tulfah sent an aide to E’s family to inform them that he wanted to be a “partner” in the sports clothing factory that E’s father had built into a successful business. E’s family felt they had no choice in the matter – they still felt under threat. E’s brother continued to run the factory, but Tulfah diverted all the factory’s profits to himself. Khairallah Tulfah freed E’s family, and then he stole their livelihood. After six months, Tulfah’s assistant informed E’s family that he wanted the factory all for himself, but because they were his neighbors, he offered to “sell” the factory back to E’s family for 100,000 dinars (more than $300k at the time!). E’s family raised the money by selling their jewelry and borrowing from relatives. They bought the business that Tulfah stole from them. E’s family understood they were buying their safety, their immunity from prosecution for being of "Iranian descent". Soon after they got their factory back, E escaped Iraq for Abu Dhabi in August 1980. Because of the long war with Iran and its economic effects, E’s family were unable to import material or spare parts, and eventually the factory was closed. Today it sits in Abu Ghraib collecting dust.

This conversation with E was surrounded by other discussions, of course, and many of those discussions had to do with the current situation in Iraq and the Iraqis who participated in thievery and injustice after 2003.

Thursday, August 07, 2008

An Iraqi boy's story

Thanks C.H. for this heartbreaking story.
 
Kevin Cullen

The end of Rakan's war

Life asked far too much of Rakan Hassan, the Iraqi boy brought to Boston in 2005 for treatment after a mistaken shooting by American troops. The next chapter of his story is hard to write.

Rakan Hassan flashed his famous smile during a physical therapy session in Boston in November 2005. Rakan Hassan flashed his famous smile during a physical therapy session in Boston in November 2005. (Globe Staff Photo / Michele McDonald)
Email|Print|Single Page| Text size + By Kevin Cullen
Globe Columnist / August 3, 2008

We were standing on a dusty road in Mosul, Dr. Larry Ronan and I, and he had just left us.

It was January 2006 and this boy named Rakan had driven away in an Opel sedan identical to the one he was riding in when his life changed forever a year before, and so we stood there, with this odd mix of hope and apprehension, and waved goodbye.

Rakan Hassan had been shot and paralyzed, his parents killed, when American soldiers panicked and opened fire on the family car as it sped toward them in the fading light of dusk. Ronan and other doctors and therapists in Boston had put Rakan back together, and I had watched the whole process, to write about it, and then we brought Rakan back to the war zone where he was nearly killed because that was what Rakan and his family wanted.

As we waved, and the car driven by Rakan's brother-in-law disappeared into the dust, Larry Ronan must have felt what I was feeling because he put his hand on my shoulder, looked me in the eye, and said, "Don't worry. We'll see him again."

We never did.

Rakan Hassan, the boy whose life Larry Ronan saved, the boy I sat with most days for five months, the boy who became my sons' friend, the boy who touched anybody and everybody he met, was killed in June when a bomb exploded at his family's home in Mosul. He was 14 years old. Two of his sisters - an infant and a teenager - were injured in the attack but are expected to recover.

It happened June 16, but given the madness that is Iraq, it took us weeks to confirm. We got a death certificate the other day and so now we know for sure.

The information is, like Iraq's future, sketchy at best. Through an interpreter, Rakan's brother-in-law and guardian, Nathir Bashir Ali, said he suspects insurgents put a bomb in or next to the house. He believes the house was targeted either because of his associations with the Iraqi government or because the family had accepted help for Rakan from Americans.

But the truth is, we don't know why. We only know Rakan is dead.

Larry Ronan has been heartsick for weeks, as he awaited final word. I have been, too. Ronan is a doctor at Massachusetts General Hospital with thousands of patients, but for six months in fall 2005 and winter 2006 you would have thought his only patient was Rakan.

Rakan's case caught the eye of humanitarians because his shooting was captured in a series of haunting photographs by Chris Hondros, a photographer for Getty Images who was embedded with the platoon from the First Brigade of the 25th Infantry Division, which opened fire on a car they thought was carrying suicide bombers.Continued...

Tuesday, August 05, 2008

Capturing Saddam

Looks like Discovery Channel has made a re-enactment of the historic event. I found a clip: